
Teenagers gathering in public should feel reassuring, given the years we spent hearing that smartphones had swallowed an entire generation whole. Yet Britain’s latest summer holiday trend has produced a particularly obnoxious form of social life: the “link-up”, where hundreds of teenagers descend upon shopping districts after seeing invitations circulated across TikTok, Snapchat and Discord, then discover that strength in numbers provides the perfect opportunity to terrorise shoppers, overwhelm businesses and film the police response for an audience.
During the Easter holidays, gatherings in Clapham spilt into shops, roads and the Common, with businesses closing early and dispersal powers introduced. Similar events surfaced in Birmingham, Solihull and Rochdale, while seaside businesses in Broadstairs have since described theft, abuse and substantial losses following mass gatherings.
Youth service funding may have fallen by 76 per cent since 2010, leaving teenagers with fewer places to exist beyond school, home and commercial spaces, a reality which deserves furious political attention. But there’s plenty of room for personal responsibility. And besides, would these kids WANT youth services? It seems like something ripped right out of a Peep Show episode.
Some teenagers have compared link-ups with the illegal raves and free parties of the 1990s. Such historical cosplay feels wonderfully convenient. The comparison grants a veneer of rebellion to behaviour which frequently resembles an enormous group chat spilling into a branch of JD Sports. Britain’s rave generation fought for the freedom to gather and dance. The link-up generation often gathers for an algorithm, seeking footage of confrontation while ordinary people, not the ‘establishment ’, pay the price.
The British free party movement grew from acid house, squatting culture, traveller communities and desire to create temporary spaces beyond commercial nightlife. Abandoned warehouses, aircraft hangars, fields and industrial sites became autonomous kingdoms for a few hours, powered by generators, sound systems and information passed through phone lines, flyers and word of mouth. Organisers kept locations secret until the last possible moment because secrecy allowed the party to happen.
Events around the M25 helped establish acid house as a cultural force during the late 1980s, while Blackburn became synonymous with warehouse parties held in disused industrial buildings. By 1992, Castlemorton Common had drawn tens of thousands of ravers and New Age travellers to Worcestershire, creating the scale of spectacle that brought the full weight of the establishment down upon the movement.
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 subsequently handed police extensive powers against gatherings involving music characterised by “a succession of repetitive beats”, a phrase so magnificently humourless that it could only have come from a government terrified by basslines, travellers and young people finding pleasure beyond the tills. The legislation targeted free parties alongside squatting and protest, binding rave culture to a wider battle over who could occupy land, make noise and live beyond respectable conventions. The legislation remains available through the UK government archive, while retrospectives have documented the cultural resistance it provoked, including music released by The Prodigy, Orbital and other artists aligned with the scene. DJ Mag’s history of the anti-rave law captures that collision between government power and counterculture.
Free parties contained danger, drugs, criminality and plenty of decisions that looked dreadful beneath daylight. Romanticising them into utopian villages would insult everyone who remembers the mud, dodgy pills, police raids and unreliable vans. Their central purpose still rested upon music, communion and escape. The secluded location and secrecy were integral to the art form of the free parties: people sought an overlooked corner of Britain where they could disappear together.
Link-ups reverse that principle. Visibility supplies the oxygen. Public disruption provides the content. The police become supporting actors in a performance staged for strangers scrolling from their bedrooms.
Sympathy for teenagers in 2026 comes easily. They are coming of age amid housing insecurity, ecological dread, threadbare public services and an online culture that converts every insecurity into revenue. Festival tickets can cost hundreds before travel, food or accommodation enter the equation, while city centre venues demand sums that turn an ordinary night out into a minor financial crisis. Even hanging around has become expensive because every available indoor space expects a purchase.
That economic confinement deserves recognition. So does the erosion of youth provision, with experts responding to the Clapham gatherings by pointing towards the loss of youth clubs and affordable communal spaces. The Guardian reported that funding for youth services has fallen by 76 per cent since 2010. Governments helped create this vacuum, then expressed astonishment when teenagers filled it badly.
Still, poverty never automatically removes imagination or conscience. When I was sixteen, I would head into Manchester with a bunch of punks and goths and drink cheap cider in an underpass near Strangeways. Nobody was buying me festival tickets. I also had no impression that everybody outside my social circle possessed a Coachella budget. We understood our own lack of money as an ordinary condition of adolescence, then improvised around it with badly dyed hair, warm bottles of cider and post-punk being played through a tinny speaker.
We probably irritated passers-by. Every teenage subculture has produced a degree of public nuisance because adolescence arrives with volume controls missing. Yet we occupied a scruffy corner of the city and entertained ourselves. We had music, conversation and the delicious melodrama of believing nobody had ever felt as alienated as we did. A pensioner trying to buy groceries never became a prop in our rebellion.
Accounts from recent link-ups describe shops closing, staff facing abuse and families sheltering inside businesses while crowds surged through surrounding streets. Police made arrests after the Clapham gatherings, where reported offences included shoplifting and assault, and a dispersal order followed. Sky News reported on the arrests and police response. These consequences belong in the conversation because the language of youthful high spirits quickly becomes dishonest once workers feel frightened in their workplaces.
Teenagers understandably feel furious at the world they have inherited. But they can direct that fury towards Parliament, property profiteers, climate vandals or the councils that stripped away youth provision. They can write, organise, make music, occupy political space, support campaigns and become such an articulate nuisance that authority has to listen. Milling around a shopping centre while waiting for a run-in with the police achieves nothing beyond ruining the afternoon of people whose bank balances look equally miserable.
The targets reveal the emptiness of the gesture. Pensioners counting every pound, restaurant workers enduring another impossible shift and independent shopkeepers attempting to scratch a living represent the same Britain these teenagers claim has abandoned them. Frightening those people expresses entitlement dressed in sportswear and adolescent bravado. A camera phone adds an audience, then the crowd grows theatrical, each participant hoping to become the clip that travels furthest.
This is what happens when children “get off their phones”, apparently, as though society offers only two settings: petulant anarchy in a shopping precinct or eight uninterrupted hours of Andrew Tate whispering misogyny through an expensive microphone. There is a middle ground. It contains skate parks, rehearsal rooms, youth centres, cheap gigs, libraries, football pitches, community radio and the ancient teenage art of sitting somewhere slightly grim with friends.
The free party movement threatened authority because it established an alternative. Sound systems could transform derelict land into collective space without a promoter, licensed bar or corporate sponsor deciding who belonged there. The political force came through that autonomy, even when many attendees simply wanted to dance until their legs surrendered.
Link-ups currently offer no comparable proposition. They occupy public space while giving nothing back to it. Their message begins and ends with “look at us”, which is less a manifesto than the cry of an overtired toddler standing on a coffee table.
A worthwhile youth rebellion requires purpose, imagination and some awareness of solidarity. Real defiance recognises where power sits and aims upwards. Bullying whoever happens to be nearby simply reproduces the hierarchy teenagers claim to resent.
The generation organising these gatherings possesses extraordinary communication tools. Hundreds of people can be assembled within hours. Imagine directing that capacity towards an outdoor gig with local artists, a fundraising football tournament, a youth services demonstration or a genuine free party organised with care, music and respect for its surroundings. Social media has handed teenagers an infrastructure that 1990s organisers could scarcely have imagined. Using it to swarm a McDonald’s represents a tragic failure of ambition.
By all means gather in your hundreds. Make noise. Dress strangely. Produce art that unsettles your parents. Become politically inconvenient and culturally impossible to ignore. Just develop a conscience before pressing record. History remembers youth movements that created something, even when that something lasted until sunrise. Nobody wants their teenage legacy reduced to a shaky clip of them shouting outside Greggs while a frightened grandmother waits for the bus.
Article by Amelia Vandergast